A network of journalists report that electronics companies, including Canon, Apple and Nokia, are re-evaluating their supply chains following reports they may be using gold extracted from a London listed Tanzanian gold mine that has been criticised for environmental failures. More recently, the Tanzanian government has imposed penalties on the mine and ordered the operators to build an alternative to its tailings reservoir, which is used to store potentially hazardous by-products of mining. Under Tanzanian law, no mine should operate within 200 metres of a home or 100 metres of a farm, but the mining company reported that it had not been able to meet this requirement. The company has built a wall in some areas, improved security training and introduced a grievance mechanism, which have led to a marked reduction in conflict over the past two years, but locals claimed there were still accidents and violence as a result of incursions, and toxic wastewater continued to seep from the mine into residential areas and waterways nearby. While there is scrutiny of the supply chain there is concern that this focuses on small-scale miners rather than multinationals, that there is not enough attention to environmental standards and local laws, and that responsibility gets diluted along the supply chain.
Health equity in economic and trade policies
UNCTAD’s 2012 technology and innovation report looks at how South-South cooperation could help developing countries breach the technological divide and promote inclusive growth through industrialisation. The report focuses on how technological learning and innovation capacity can be promoted across developing countries. The South is argued to be an important partner to promote technology and innovation capacity in the developing world. Policy experiences of other developing countries in fostering innovation capacities may be more relevant to other developing countries. Further, the technology employed in countries in the South may be more suitable for developing countries’ local needs and conditions. The report proposes a set of five principles around which a framework of South-South collaboration for technology and innovation can be structured: integrate the technological needs of developing countries into South-South exchanges; share and better integrate lessons learned from ongoing catch-up experiences of other developing countries in building innovation capabilities through proactive policies; promote technological learning in particular through alliances and technology transfer initiatives; make South-South foreign direct investment more technology oriented; and pool resources of developing countries to address common technological challenges.
Innovative technologies have enormous potential to improve human well-being. However, technological progress does not guarantee equitable health outcomes. As advances in technology redefine the ways people, systems and information interact, resource-poor communities are often excluded. Where technological fixes have been imposed on communities, the results have included abandoned equipment, incompatible computer programs and ineffective policies. A shift in values among leadership, communities and the creators of technology is argued to be critical to implementing technology sustainably and equitably. Numerous examples are outlined where technological applications undermine equity, fairness and human rights: for example, the use of high-tech medical interventions in preference to simpler preventive measures or terminator genes that prevent the re-use of seeds for food crops. To ensure equitable outcomes, the authors note that the design and implementation of technology needs to respect ethical principles and local values. Decisions on the use of new technology should be made by local users, and implementation needs long-term commitment and local ownership. In this article, the authors discuss features of technology implementation that can promote health equity, using a range of examples from the health, agriculture and economic sectors.
The author notes that, given the magnitude of Western debt and the need to reduce it at a rate that does not disrupt any signs of growth, 2010 may well be the most benign year for development between now and 2015. He believes that the big cuts will come in 2011 onwards and makes ten predictions that may help inform development decisions during 2010. 1. China's view will become the bellwether of all development agreements. 2. ‘Minilateralism' is the wave of the future. 3. Copenhagen will energise, not demoralise, those fighting for climate issues to be higher up the agenda. 4. The Commonwealth will become more important in development. 5. USAID will become more relevant to international development. 6. Food and nutrition will slowly slip from the top table of the development agenda. 7. Africa will get back onto the international agenda, albeit briefly. 8. Economics will change, but only at the margins. 9. The UK Department for International Development (DFID) will undergo evolution not revolution. 10. People power in development will move into a new age.
Much has changed in the world since economic partnership agreements (EPAs) negotiations between the European Union (EU) and African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries started 10 years ago. Emerging developing countries have increased their share of the world market and China has become one of the largest trading nations, while ACP countries have diversified trading partners and external funders. Today both the EU and the ACP countries struggle with the mess that the extended and deadlocked EPA negotiations have created. The interim EPAs have complicated the negotiations even further, causing rifts in the regions, and the refusal of the EU to swiftly amend them left the negotiations stuck with protracted discussions on contentious issues. The author of this article calls on the EU not to force ACP countries to accept agreements simply to avoid losing trade preferences. And he argues further that it is a problem when trade negotiations are held behind closed doors and policies are based on secret (unless leaked) mandates, with hardly any parliamentary involvement. Economic reform is too important to all layers of society to be left to behind closed door negotiations.
Thai AIDS activists and their international allies sought suspension of scheduled trade talks that threaten to undermine Thailand’s lawful ability to produce, import/export, and market low-cost generic versions of life-saving medicines. In January, in Chiang Mai, the United States and Thailand were scheduled to start the Sixth Round of negotiations on a proposed Free Trade Agreement, and were for the first time to hold discussions on a U.S. proposal to dramatically increase intellectual property protections for pharmaceutical products.
At the invitation of African Studies, Grieve Chelwa reflects on Thandika Mkwandawire’s life and work and impact on the social and economic sciences in Africa. Mkwandawire’s career spanned over four decades with a long and diverse list of publications. Chelwa refers to five specific publications that have helped to make sense of Africa’s place and the place of African economists in the seemingly never-ending debates about the continent’s prospects for economic development. Chelwa calls these his favourite things, ‘because Thandika was African development scholarship’s saxophonist.’
This paper states that heavily indebted and poor countries (HIPCs) have started accumulating external debt reaching extreme ratios of debt to GDP and exports. These HIPCs are facing a food crisis and a decline in exports and GDP exposing them to shock and leading them to more debt. The author asserts that HIPCs lack appropriate tools to deal with multiple external shocks and will be affected in the long run by the likely reduction in social spending. This will affect the Millennium Development Goals affecting indices like infant mortality thus lowering the economic growth rates. The paper uses available data to make projections and comparisons and highlight the bleak picture. The paper advises that the donors should provide financing for the most vulnerable countries to preserve their gains and prevent a humanitarian crisis. The rich world and the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) should reshape their policy agenda, focusing much more attention and providing more resources and assistance to low-income countries. The call for a temporary debt moratorium on all official debt of low-income countries by the IFIs is commendable but far from adequate.
Despite the successes in using competition law to reduce drug prices in South Africa, the prospects of other countries in the region being able to utilise competition law and policy to attain similar objectives are not high, due to a lack of institutional capacity (in some cases) and a lack of expertise, the authors of this paper argue. By taking an initial focus on domestic legislation, SADC countries may ultimately pave the way for a form of regional harmonisation for competition policy. As developments in South Africa have shown, national competition policy can ensure that national markets function efficiently, assure consumers of competitive prices and product choices, and promote other such efficiency-plus objectives. However, it is true that market developments tend to outstrip policy and regulatory developments. This region demonstrates perhaps one of the most confusing and complex arrays of overlapping membership of regional trade organisations with various countries being members either of SACU, SADC or COMESA. Given the mix of multiple memberships of regional trading organisations in the region, it is suggested that the two most viable (but by no means exclusive) options to explore for a regional competition policy are COMESA and SACU.
This Joint Strategy, which will provide an overarching long-term framework for Africa-EU relations, will be implemented through successive short-term Action Plans and enhanced political dialogue at all levels, resulting in concrete and measurable outcomes in all areas of the partnership. The purpose of this Joint Strategy is to take the Africa-EU relationship to a new, strategic level with a strengthened political partnership and enhanced cooperation at all levels. The partnership will be based on a Euro-African consensus on values, common interests and common strategic objectives. This partnership should strive to bridge the development divide between Africa and Europe through the strengthening of economic cooperation and the promotion of sustainable development in both continents, living side by side in peace, security, prosperity, solidarity and human dignity.