If implemented, new provisions governing the registration of civil society organisations (CSOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) under Zambia’s NGO Act will be extremely problematic, according to Lewis Mwape of the Zambia Council for Social Development. Under the law CSOs and NGOs must re-register every five years, creating a major administrative workload. Prior to registering, they must explicitly state their sources of funding and proposed activities, which Mwape regards as impractical. The NGO Act also greatly narrows the definitions of CSOs and NGOs, no longer recognising labour unions, faith-based organisations and professional groups. Distinguishing between civil society groups is divisive and will weaken cohesion among different sectors, says Mwape. Advocacy and human rights organisations can also be subjected to arbitrary and/or discriminatory application of the law, and the law gives the Minister too much discretionary power. Zambian civil society has initiated a campaign calling for the amendment of the law but they are facing major difficulties in accessing and mobilising the hundreds of NGOs and CSOs based in less accessible areas to engage in the campaign to re-evaluate the law.
Governance and participation in health
During a recent civil society consultative meeting held in Karamoja sub-region in North Eastern Uganda to discuss with locals the review of mining law and policy in Uganda, participants from the community made statements about mining operations in the region: One participant stated; “As we talk here trucks and trucks ferry marble and the people of Rupa swallow dust.” Another participant said; “ they come here and cordon off large pieces of land beyond what is allowed under their licenses and the locals have nowhere to graze their cattle. They forget we are a pastoralist community. No one asks us whether we want the mining in the first place. We just see companies show up in our midst.” Karamoja sub-region in Uganda is endowed with a number of minerals including gold, marble limestone, gemstones and silver among others, and plays host to roughly 20 companies involved in the mining sector at different stages. However, this report suggests that there is a disconnect between local communities and the mining companies. Community members said they had very limited information about the sector, and complained of lack of consultation, exploitation and human rights abuses by the mining companies. The authors argue that local communities and indigenous people have the right to be consulted about mining projects because they bear the brunt of the negative impacts of mining, and as prior, informed consent is now a well recognised international best practice. This should, they propose, be included in law. They point, for example, to the Tanzania Mining Act 2010 that ensures that no discussions of mining can be engaged in without the representation of civil society and local small scale miners. In Ghana, New Mont Gold Company has adopted the use of community agreements, while the World Bank has published a Source Book – Mining Community Development Agreements, 2012 on how to develop and implement such community agreements.
The disease burden in urban sub-Saharan Africa is changing rapidly. Mortality and morbidity from chronic physical disease (heart, disease, stroke and cancer) is rising rapidly and believed to equal that from infections. Other increasing disease burdens in sub Saharan Africa include mental illness, substance abuse and accidents, especially road traffic collisions (RTC). Newspaper readership is rising in Uganda. This study used content analysis to examine health-related coverage in one major Ugandan newspaper (New Vision). Twenty-nine consecutive paper copies from September/October 2013 were examined independently by two researchers. Health-related articles were identified, counted and coded according to clinical content. Clinical and healthcare-related coverage was present in every edition and represented approximate proportions of 2.6% and 0.4% respectively of total newspaper content. Of 214 news articles identified, these covered the following clinical themes: general well-being (15.4%), healthcare services (14.5%), HIV (12.1%), violence/accidents (11.2%), chronic physical disease (11.2%), sexual, maternal and reproductive health (SMRH) (10.8%), non-HIV infective diseases (10.8), malnutrition (7.9%), substance misuse (3.3%) and mental health (2.8%). Coverage of RTCs, alcohol, smoking, and cancers other than of the breast and cervix was minimal. Health-related content was dominated by infections, healthcare quality, general wellbeing, SMRH and malnutrition. This does not represent the changing burden of disease in Uganda. There may be scope for targeted interventions with editors to promote coverage of growing challenges, including lifestyle advice to prevent chronic diseases.
In recent years, the transparency of foreign aid has received substantial attention among aid practitioners. This analysis shows the impact of political transparency in donor countries on those countries’ formal promotion of aid transparency and on their concrete aid allocation patterns. Political transparency as measured by standard corruption indices not only impacts on the engagement of bilateral external funders (donors) in the International Aid Transparency Initiative. Differences in political transparency in donor countries also explain a large part of their varying aid selectivity patterns. External funders with higher levels of political transparency allocate aid more according to recipients’ neediness and institutional performance.
Africa Malaria Day on 25 April 2003 is nearing, marking three years since African leaders met in Abuja, Nigeria and promised to help fight malaria by dropping taxes on treated mosquito nets. Research and experience prove beyond any doubt that Insect Treated Nets (ITNs) save lives by preventing new malarial infections. Recognizing their life-saving potential, African leaders pledged to drop all taxes and tariffs on ITNs. But despite this, many countries have yet to drop the malaria tax. At the website below there are a range of resources for finding out more about malaria and the campaign to drop the taxes on mosquito nets, information about the campaign to pressure African leaders to comply and a list of countries who have kept their promise about the tax and those who haven't.
Mayors from eastern and southern Africa who met in Harare recently have recommended that municipalities should work with ratepayers to develop participatory budgets. The concept of participatory budgeting is an annual process of democratic decision-making in which ordinary city residents and other stakeholders decide how to allocate part of a municipal budget.
NAIROBI, 21 May (IRIN) - The World Bank, representatives of US complementary health institutes and African traditional healers have
agreed to collaborate on the analysis and validation of indigenous health practices, including herbal treatments of HIV/AIDS-related opportunistic infections. Western health institutes and the Bank also agreed to discuss ways in which to build partnerships between traditional health practitioners and the scientific community, according to a press release from the World Bank's Indigenous Knowledge for Development (IK) Programme on 17 May.
NAIROBI, 21 May (IRIN) - The World Bank, representatives of US complementary health institutes and African traditional healers have
agreed to collaborate on the analysis and validation of indigenous health practices, including herbal treatments of HIV/AIDS-related opportunistic infections. Western health institutes and the Bank also agreed to discuss ways in which to build partnerships between traditional health practitioners and the scientific community, according to a press release from the World Bank's Indigenous Knowledge for Development (IK) Programme on 17 May.
The author writes that the suffering inflicted by the Ebola outbreak - and the ineffective reactions to it - reveals a massive failure of global health governance. States and international organizations are scrambling, from the Security Council to the streets of Monrovia, to triage the damage to social order and human dignity from the outbreak of Ebola in West Africa. It remains to be seen whether scaled-up responses can control the epidemic. But, he argues, there awaits another reckoning—the challenge of identifying what went wrong, where mistakes were made, why we ended up in crisis and how to ensure a similar failure does not happen again. He proposes that the UN Security Council should establish an independent investigation into the outbreak and the international community’s responses. The investigation should probe what happened from the local level to the office of the director-general of the World Health Organization. It should gather information on when and how other actors in global health—countries, regional organizations, NGOs and airlines and other corporations—responded.
The author argues that the report on the WHO’s Ebola response fails to adequately address the problems in global health governance it exposed. The Ebola outbreak was a disaster for the International Health Regulations (IHR)—the main international legal rules supporting global health security. The outbreak highlighted dismal compliance with IHR obligations on building national core public health capacities. During the outbreak, WHO failed to exercise authority it has under the IHR. Many WHO member states violated the IHR by implementing travel measures more restrictive than WHO recommended under the IHR and that lacked scientific and public health rationales as the IHR requires. The final report of the Ebola Interim Assessment Panel asserted that ‘the global community does not take seriously’ its IHR obligations. However the panel’s IHR recommendations are argued by the author to be largely recycled old, ineffective ideas and to reflect weak analysis of the outbreak, difficulties the IHR experienced before Ebola, and challenges confronting IHR reform after this crisis.